Category Archives: Articles

Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters

by Marek Jan Chodakiewicz  |  April 7, 2016  |  ARTICLES

Without the multicultural demographic and ideological context, the holy warriors of the Caliphate would stand out like proverbial sore thumbs in the Western world. Currently, they enjoy a perfect environment. They will not let up until Dar al Islam dominates the world. Or at least they will keep trying. The West should oppose that.

In war, power relationships reflect selflessness and bravery, but also feed on greed and compulsion. The bellicose synergy of the Muslim overlords and their Christian dependents reflected tactical alliances, personal considerations, mercenary motives, and brazen slavery. A typical leftist newsmaker of Indian parentage, the son of a tenured UN bureaucrat and a liberal academic at New York University, Ishaan Tharoor disagrees. According to him, Muslims and Christians killed each other, but most often they killed others jointly. Throughout history Muslims fought in Christian armies and vice versa. To talk about the clash of civilizations or defense of Christendom from Islam is therefore nonsense. This is the essence of Ishaan Tharoor’s belief, or, to be more precise, his enthusiastic endorsement of Ian Almond’s deeply flawed relativist and multiculturalist argument in Two Faiths, One Banner: When Muslims Marched With Christians Across Europe’s Battlegrounds (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).

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Former Kosciuszko Chair intern interviewed on feminism by Polish weekly

Ms. Karolina Dobrowolska, a former intern of the Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies (Fall 2013), was justinterviewed by the Polish Catholic weekly, Gość Niedzielny [The Sunday Guest]. Ms. Dobrowolska — who is a graduate of the University of Warsaw and an attorney at the “Ordo Iuris” Legal Institute — has co-organized, along with the female colleagues, a protest against the ratification of the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence.

The reason behind this opposition is, as Ms. Dobrowolska explains, the highly-misleading name of the document which sounds very noble but is, in fact, a radical feminist (“genderist”) assault on the traditional family and gender roles. The primary claim of the “genderist” post-modernists — that gender is nothing more than a “social construct,” and therefore relative and subjective — is clearly a recipe for subverting the primary social unit that is the family. The resulting moral chaos, Ms. Dobrowolska argues, will render atomized and confused individuals easier to indoctrinate and manipulate.

She also challenged the assertions of feminists and other progressives who portray Poland as a land of widespread domestic violence and physical abuse of women. The reality, the young attorney points out, is that “according to the research done by the EU Agency of Basic Rights in the spring of 2014, violence against women in Poland is at a level of 19 percent, whereas in Denmark, where feminists dominate and have implemented measures based on the Convention, it is at 52 percent.”

The factor mitigating against domestic violence targeting women in Poland is the nation’s culture. The former KC intern continues: “Poland is a Catholic country with a highly-developed cult of the Virgin Mary, which, along with literary traditions evolving for centuries, has generated an atmosphere of respect for women.”

Cuba Libre

This piece by Marek Jan Chodakiewicz was published on the website of the American Thinker.

After a sustained effort in clandestine diplomacy, the White House has recognized Cuba. Yet, the Obama administration has failed to explain convincingly why, for Christmas, it has decided to bless a Communist totalitarian dictatorship, second only in ruthlessness to the North Korean satrapy.  Nonrecognition was a symbolic policy of our objection to the trampling of the island’s freedom. It was a powerful sign of our refusal to acquiesce in Cuba’s enslavement. True, we had no immediate plans to liberate the nation, but we morally condemned its Red slave masters.

The power of symbols in the policy of nonrecognition was palpable. Despite the fact that most of our allies, notably the EU and Canada, did business with Cuba, America stressed its exceptionalism for over half a century by refusing to treat the totalitarians as normal partners. Nonrecognition gave free Cubans at home and abroad hope that, first, the world’s leading power identified with their plight, and, second, that freedom was a universal norm that the United States would never compromise on. That policy is no more. The current administration has thus abandoned the moral high ground we occupied vis-à-vis the Castro regime following the betrayal of free Cubans at the Bay of Pigs by an earlier Democrat team in 1961.

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Naming Names: An Op-Ed by Prof. Marek Chodakiewicz in Eurasia Review

“Islamofascists” and “Putin-Hitler” reverberate through our public discourse, reflecting anger and emotion, rather than calm and acumen. As such, these seemingly helpful tags actually impede our understanding of both adversaries and, hence, prevent us from elaborating a successful strategy against each, including mobilizing popular support for the endeavor.

He who gets to name names, wins. The old saw makes for a good zinger but lacks precision. It should perhaps be: he who labels a phenomenon fast and popularizes it persistently and repetitiously dominates the discourse. Hence, we suffer of the ever enduring poison of the Komintern’s Willi Műnzenberg who cast the Civil War in Spain as a conflict between “fascism” and “democracy.” Never mind that the former included Stalinists, Trotskyites, and anarchists whose revolutionary fury rendered anything smacking of democracy null and void. By pitting the putative “democrats” against alleged “fascists” maestro Műnzenberg supplied the West’s cackling liberal and leftist glitterati with an ultra-reductionist vision of Spain, where anyone rooting, as, for example, Evelyn Waugh was, for the conservative forces of law and order and against a Red revolution was instantaneously accused of worshiping Hitler, and thus ostracized and, more often than not, traumatized. This was deviously mischievous for it rendered any thoughtful analysis of the Spanish carnage utterly impossible. Hence, the West remained impotent in the face of the Hitler and Stalin aggression. And it missed another important lesson for the future. Műnzenberg built on a legacy of opprobrium attached to the generic concept “fascism.” Initially, the Communists considered Italian fascists as socially friendly, if confused revolutionaries. After Benito Mussolini’s black shirts crushed the Reds, Moscow changed its mind and unleashed an Exorcist-like stream of bile inundating anyone who opposed Stalin. Therefore not only the national socialists of Hitler became “fascists,” but so did the followers of Trotsky and anyone in between, including, for example, Christian nationalists. Labels tend to stick. Simplistic labels stick indefinitely.

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Kosciuszko Chair Fellow discusses Russia’s information war

On December 11, Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies Fellow, Nathalie Vogel, published an article on the websiteThe Interpreter, which is “a daily-updated online journal dedicated primarily to translating media from the Russian press and blogosphere into English and reporting on events inside Russia and in countries directly impacted by Russia’s foreign policy.”

The article – entitled “In This Info-War, The Problem Is Not Only Russia” – quotes three IWP professors: Dr. John Lenczowski, Prof. Paul Goble, and Dr. Marek Jan Chodakiewicz.   

Please click here to read the article.

Former intern publishes report on Polish intelligence

Mr. Bolesław Piasecki, a former intern of the Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies at IWP, has just published a report on “Offensive Counterintelligence and the Challenges Facing the Polish Intelligence Services.”

The analysis — which was the product of Mr. Piasecki’s research and studies during his internship at the Institute of World Politics — was published by the Warsaw-based National Center for Strategic Studies (NCSS) and is available on the think-tank’s website.

Mr. Michael Preisler, Holocaust survivor: Pro Memoria

The Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies would like to pay homage to the memory of Mr. Michael Preisler (1919 – 2014), who passed away on September 29, 2014, in Richmond Hill, NY. Mr. Preisler was a Polish Christian survivor of the Auschwitz-Birkenau German death camp and, in 1982 – 1990, the president of the Downstate New York Division of the Polish American Congress.

Following the Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland in September 1939, Mr. Preisler – who was only twenty at the time – joined Poland’s growing anti-German, anti-Communist underground. He was eventually caught by the Gestapo and shipped to the Auschwitz camp (in October 1941), which was initially built to facilitate the two occupiers’ plans for the destruction of the Polish elites. He spent almost four years incarcerated in the infamous and hellish extermination and forced labor camp. The fact that Mr. Preisler managed to avoid death could be seen as a “miracle,” particularly since he survived typhus (which reduced his weight to a meager 85 pounds) and the forced “evacuation” (i.e. death marches) from Auschwitz to Mauthausen and camps in Austria. He was convinced that only Divine intervention saved him. Afterwards, as a result of the Soviet occupation of Poland and other Central and Eastern European countries, Mr. Preisler chose freedom and remained in the West.

His traumatic experiences in Auschwitz and other German death camps persuaded Mr. Preisler to dedicate his life to educating the American public about the plight of Polish Christians – up to 3 million of whom perished – during the Second World War and simultaneously countering Holocaust revisionism. He believed that Nowhere else is Holocaust history as distorted and as misrepresented as it is about Poland.” To remedy this problem, he founded the Holocaust Documentation Committee and spoke about his ordeals at schools and other American organizations. As an Auschwitz survivor, he opposed the campaign to remove a cross – originally erected in a gravel pit by the camp site to commemorate the visit of Pope John Paul II – and to evict the Carmelite Nuns from a nearby convent. The Kościuszko Chair recognizes Mr. Michael Preisler’s efforts to propagate the historical truth about Poland.

During the 1980s – a time when the communist regime occupying Poland attempted to crush the Solidarity mass opposition movement – Mr. Preisler attempted to help his homeland by organizing pro-Solidarity demonstration in New York City and raising money to send clothing and medicine to the Polish people.

Mr. Preisler was buried at the cemetery of the Shrine of Our Lady of Częstochowa in Doylestown, PA.

To watch a short video of Mr. Preisler retelling his experiences, please click here.

To read Mr. Preisler’s testimony as a Holocaust survivor, please visit the website of the DC Division of the PAC.

Dr. Marek Chodakiewicz remembers Gen. Walter Jajko

The passing of the late Gen. Walter Jajko on Saturday, October 18, has greatly saddened us all. Gen. Jajko was a supporter and friend of the Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies and a frequent participant in KC programs. Thus, in the hope of keeping the General’s memory alive, we are posting Dr. Marek Chodakiewicz’s recollections below.

The Kościuszko Chair has also decided to dedicate its upcoming Seventh Annual Conference on Saturday, November 8 to the memory of Gen. Walter Jajko.

Death of a General: An IWP Microcosm

Helenka-December2009093Of a few personal stories that General Walter Jajko (1937-2014) shared with me — and he was a humble and taciturn man, by temperament and profession disinclined to open up — three tales encapsulate this officer and gentleman best. The first floor corridor at The Institute of World Politics witnessed the first one. Our mutual alma materColumbia University’s faculty lounge served as the setting of the second. The third was the foyer of Saigon’s top hotel, whether the Rex or the Continental escapes me. I am listing them in a reverse chronological order and they spanned about sixty years. And they shall serve as an excuse to open a vista into the life of an extraordinary un-public intellectual par excellance. They are also a testimony to an academic institution quite unique in contemporary times, one where honor, service, and collegiality matter.

The first tale concerns the time when the General still had his corner bunker, diagonal from the skiff, of the basement of the Marlatt Mansion. For some reason he came up to my first floor office on business. I was dean then. He referred to me forever hereafter, half-tongue in cheek, albeit not quite as much as I wished, as “Pan dziekan” (Sir Dean) in response to my “Panie Generale” (Sir General), a collegial semi-tease that originated with my saluting our own sans peur et sans reproche Ambassador Alberto Piedra as “Your Excellency” (with current Dean Jack Tierney responding to “Your Eminence,” late Ambassador Tom Melady as “THE Ambassador,” and the President and Founder John Lenczowski being “The Lord and Master,” while Professor emeritus Ken de Graffenreid to remain forever known as Wujek Kenski, or Uncle Ken, to complement his wife Ciocia Karolcia, or Aunt Carol). Tedious dean business settled, I resolved to walk the General back downstairs.

I had just finished reading George Crile’s Charlie Wilson’s War, found Walt’s name in it, and was eager to ask some questions, for example about reasons for supplying the Oerlikon anti-aircraft gun to the mujahedeen against the Soviets in Afghanistan. “Because Charlie was sleeping with the girlfriend of a big wig in that company,” answered the General. This was the short story. A long story encapsulates both the dysfunctionality and the glory of our democratic system. The General humored me in this instance because he knew that I had volunteered to fight in Afghanistan in the mid-1980s. First of all, Walt confided in me that he had consulted a lawyer to sue the author of the book. Why? Because Crile mendaciously wrote that Walter Jajko was swearing, dropping the “F” bomb.  The General never swore. I never saw him lose his temper. In fact, I doubt I know anyone who did.

As for the Oerlikon, Walt did not declassify anything, but he lined the ducks up for me. The Oerlikon cannon did not make sense because, although very accurate, once in position, having fired once, it became a sitting duck, a perfect target for the Soviet Hind-type assault gunships or bombers. Further, it was very cumbersome to transport. It had to be taken apart and carried by donkeys, which, by law, had to be supplied by the American farmer, delivered to Pakistan and dispatched over the mountains, often for hundreds of miles, into Afghanistan. The Stinger rocket was the right alternative but that Wunderwaffe would hit the battlefield very late in the game for its deployment was delayed by very real strategic considerations because of the safety of our ally, Israel, lest the weapons system fell into the hands of the terrorists and was redirected away from the Soviets to target the Israelis. However, Charlie Wilson insisted, so Oerlikon it was. Ah, the power of lobbying and loving!

Walt (“mów mi Władek [Walt]/call me Władek” – “Tak jest Panie Generale/Yes, Sir, General, Sir”) had more than a few other stories that, thanks to my moaning, he finally agreed to share with IWP students, faculty, and guests when he introduced our in-house screening of Charlie Wilson’s War. He told us about Miss World and Miss Universe tagging along with Charlie in Pakistan. This led to the stern objections of the use of US military aircraft for civilian purposes. The ladies were promptly barred, leaving Charlie to travel alone. That, in turn, brought a fierce retaliation by the honorable congressmen defunding this particular item and, thus, effectively grounding the entire fleet servicing US air attachés in Asia because one of them had dared to question the utility of Charlie’s deployment of feminine mystique for national security. The only thing Walt did not share that night with the audience was that, in the wake of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, the CIA failed to invite anyone from the Department of Defense to the victory party at Langley. That’s how the General put it privately to me. And I would like to add: it was a colossal failure not to acknowledge him, for he made the victory possible. Bureaucratic pettiness is a churlish thing that serves this Republic not.

Another vignette of the General takes us now to Columbia University. One day, Walter Jajko, then a young Air Force officer, was invited, along with a few other nascent scholarly stars, to lunch by the magnificent Oskar Halecki, THE authority on Central and Eastern Europe, the Intermarium, or the lands between the Baltic and Black seas, in particular. Walt was his student. Professor Halecki provided the intellectual mortar for the future general’s love of Polish history, which had been written on his heart at home in Philadelphia, where he was born and where he grew up. College years at University of Pennsylvania, an indispensable mid-passage, forged for him a flexible framework of Western Civilization which neatly fit in with Walt’s Catholic, universal upbringing, for faith and reason remained his permanent marching companions throughout his life.

Brilliant and gentlemanly Halecki, switching interchangeably between English, French, German, Polish, and – for the benefit of his wife – Croatian, regaled the students at the lunch table with the tales of the days gone by, still resounding with the clinging of the swords of the intrepid crusaders and the maudlin chants of the cloistered friars. Surprising himself, Walt chimed in with his impressions of another graduate seminar, led by a Hungarian scholar, on the Dark Age barbarians of the Rimland steppe, which complemented his sessions with Professor Halecki. With an excited animation, quite uncharacteristic for our Air Force officer, Walt completed the allocution in the defense of Western Civilization, which he viewed as precious and fragile, from the armed horde threatening it from without and within. Obviously delighted by his brainy graduate student, Professor Halecki, as others before him at Columbia, exclaimed: “It is absolutely urgent Pan Jajko that you realize the indispensability of your remaining here to complete your Ph.D.” This was analogous to an invitation from the Pope to become an archbishop and, who knows, his successor. With his trademark understated half-smile, Walt responded: “Thank you. I am very flattered but I can’t. I must serve.” And serve he did. Yet, he never quite severed his link with academia, collecting a slew of scholarly credentials from Harvard, MIT, George Washington University, Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and Armed Forces Staff College.

The third vignette brings us to the middle of the Vietnam War. Walter Jajko was stationed in Saigon at a posh hotel. He chuckled as he recalled the sumptuousness of his accommodations. Every day a shuttle would arrive to fetch him and his fellow Air Force officers to deliver them to the airport. There they would suit up and mount their bombers to fly sorties against the Communists. After each bombing run, they would return to the home base; if need be, they’d refuel, reload, and fly back. At the end of the day, they would hop on the shuttle to be delivered back to their quarters. One time, Walt alighted into the foyer of the hotel still wearing his jet pilot’s full gear, complete with the jump suit and a visored helmet, which he was hugging with one hand, while he marched smartly toward the elevators. Suddenly, Walt halted because he saw a cluster of officers in foreign uniforms, relaxing. Among them two donned Polish military dress outfits, albeit besmirched with an eagle stripped of its crown by the Soviet-installed puppet regime in Warsaw. Indubitably, they were Communists. “A crow, not an eagle,” the Air Force ace thought. His curiosity piqued, he approached the group. He zeroed in on the crow-crested duo. “What are you doing here?” he demanded politely but firmly, addressing them in Polish. They were visibly startled at first to see an American officer fluent in their language. Having collected themselves rather quickly, however, they responded self-importantly: “We are observers with the United Nations mission in Vietnam. And you?” Walt deadpanned: “I’m here to kill Communists.” Then he turned around and walked away. And that was the mission of his life: He served to stop the barbarians threatening our civilization. He fought for freedom.

I cracked two pseudo-jokes about this story. “Did you consider, Pan General, that one of the crow-crested officers could have been Colonel Ryszard Kukliński, who soon after defected from the reds and became, arguably, the greatest asset of the CIA in the Cold War?” “Hm. If it was him, he was on the wrong side when we met.” Then I asked about killing the Communists. The response: “I have never felt remorse about bombing them.” For him, “War truly is ultima ratio,” as he wrote in his brilliantly trenchant Military Strategy: Thoughts Toward a Critique(Washington, DC: The Institute of World Politics Press, 2014, p. 12). It was also a paradox, personal and political: “All wars are horrible, but, for that, they can be no less useful, effective, necessary, and justifiable” (p. 50).

To understand what he means let us look at four pictures that adored the walls of his office: Saint Mary, whom the Poles consider Our Lady the Queen of Poland and the Queen of Mercy; Sun Tsu, who conceptualized war without war; Marshal Józef Piłsudski, who is credited with brilliantly defeating the Bolsheviks at the gates of Warsaw in 1920, the only time in history the Red Army was vanquished in the field; and General William Tecumseh Sherman, who ruthlessly waged total war to preserve the Union. The quartet guided General Jajko to abhor senseless violence (“if military operations have no [just] political objective, then they are merely mayhem and murder,” p. 9); to prefer to deploy the measures that compel the enemy to surrender without resorting to violence; to support just war as a moral, if gruesome venue to peace; and, ultimately, to show mercy to the defeated.

Then, apropos just war and Vietnam, I reminded Walt what an American Polish pilot, baron von Dangel — whose grandmother the Soviets had tortured and killed before his very eyes when he turned five — wrote on his bombs during the Vietnamese conflict: “Za babcię!”: “for my grandma!” Vietnam thus was a just war. “How do you know about von Dangel?” the General raised his eyebrows slightly, which for him was a sign of maximum astonishment, and added: “I flew with him.” Now it was my jaw’s turn to drop. “Oh, I did not know that you were with the CIA’s Air America. Von Dangel is from Wilno, where my father was born. My friend Henio Skwarczyński saw the baron last on Bora Bora.” “That is classified,” the General killed the topic firmly. There were two ways for him to stay quiet: either cut himself off in mid-sentence and look in his interlocutor’s eyes; or mumble a little and wonder off. “Every diplomat is a spy,” he would repeat sometime. Live and learn tradecraft.

In fact, almost everything Walter Jajko did in the service of his country remains classified. Once he was even approached by a publisher to write the story of his life and he had to turn the offer down because his life was pretty much classified. Walt explained to me that all of his job titles had been bogus. “That is not what I was doing.”  His official biography rattles off a laundry list of assignments and tasks that do the General no justice but signal the gigantic scope of his service without exactly explaining what they were: “He served in fighter, reconnaissance, bomber, airlift, special operations, and intelligence units in Southeast Asia, North Africa, and elsewhere. His staff appointments included service as a strategic planner in the Concepts, Strategy, Doctrine Branch of the Deputy Chief of Staff, Plans and Operations, HQ USAF; as a strategy analyst in the Directorate of Soviet Affairs and a Warsaw Pact analyst in the Estimates Directorate, Assistant Chief of Staff, Intelligence, HQ USAF; as a long range planner for the Secretary of the Air Force; and as Assistant to the Deputy Chief of Staff, Programs and Resources, HQ USAF. Following his retirement from active duty, General Jajko served as Director of the Special Advisory Staff in the Office of the Secretary of Defense; as Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Intelligence Oversight (where he was in charge of oversight of all the intelligence services within the Department of Defense); as Acting Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Support (where he served as the most senior intelligence policy official in the DoD); and as Manager of a Presidential program. While occupying these positions, he was in charge of DoD covert action and DoD support of CIA covert action, wrote DoD’s first public diplomacy doctrine, and rewrote DoD’s psychological operations doctrine.  He was one of the very rare officials to have worked at the nexus of military strategy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, strategic communications, counterpropaganda, psychological strategy, and political warfare.”

That is just cream on the cake. Here is what’s missing: in a nutshell. Walter (Władysław – “Władek”) Jajko Jr. was born in Philadelphia in 1937. His father, also Władysław, had been a captain in the Polish army. However, since Jajko senior, a supporter of the center-right Farmer Party “Piast,” had fallen afoul of the mild leftist dictatorship of the sanacja, he resolved to emigrate to America, where he and his wife Aniela had several children, Walt being the eldest.

jelitaThe Jajkos/Jajko/Jajkowski (of the Jelita clan and coat of arms) were ancient Polish nobility, knights (rycerstwo/rycerz). They fought in Poland’s wars and insurrections; but mostly they farmed. Their landed estate was in the Sub-Carpathian region south of Cracow around Limanowa. My favorite pre-1914 story has the grandfather of the General racing his chaice (bryczka), a horse and buggy vehicle, against his distant relative, the Count Dzieduszycki. As the competitors were approaching the crossroads on the converging tracks with Pan Jajko at a visible advantage, the enraged Count fired at him from his ancient front loaded pistol which caused the racer to balk and lose the game to the great delight of the unfair competitor. Now it should become clear why the General’s vanity plates on his cars read: Rycerz (knight) and Bryczka (chaice).

In America, Władek was brought up speaking Polish, deeply seeped in the Polish tradition and the Catholic religion. His family imparted to him the ethos of service that functioned strongly among the Polish nobility and rubbed off on the Polish intelligentsia of all backgrounds. We serve, the commandment went, because God blessed us more than others, and therefore we have an obligation to those who are less fortunate. We serve God, Honor, and Country. We serve a Cause that is greater than ourselves. Walter Jajko internalized such lessons. And they went hand in glove with his American dream. He found the best outlet for his ideas in public service in general, and in US military, the Air Force, in particular.

Whenever he could, he remained involved with the Polonia, the Polish-American community. At one point, he helped edit The Polish Review, flagship publication of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences (PIASA) founded by Oskar Halecki and other exiles from Nazism and Communism. He lectured for the Polish-American Congress. He contributed to publications such as The Sarmatian Review here in the US and Gazeta Polska back in Poland.

Naturally enough, Walt assisted in virtually all undertakings of the Kościuszko Chair in Polish Studies at The Institute of World Politics. He mentored our Polish and Polish American interns most readily. He helped with my monograph on the Intermarium and other projects. He took lectures and speeches developed for us and shared them with the world outside. He stood squarely on our side in all our controversies. Along with Professor Gene Poteat, the General became a great champion of uncovering the circumstances of Poland’s presidential plane catastrophe of April 2010. Increasingly ill, he prepared remarks and talking points on Ukraine, which I included (properly acknowledged) in my public lectures about the crisis.  We brainstormed together. I frequently supplied him with the newest material on Polish history and current events. Walt was most touched by a mammoth picture album of Poland’s anti-Nazi underground transitioning to the anti-Communist insurgency, the so-called Cursed Soldiers (żołnierze wyklęci), 1944-1963. His bright blue eyes turned to steel gray as he was leafing through the pages.

He only had one complaint about me: “Why do you keep scheduling the Kościuszko Military lecture in September? I must report to my commander in chief.” He was referring to his wife Marilyn, whose birthday falls then. The General had a favorite Afghan restaurant to take her to. Walt only had one regret: “I rue the day the American people elected this person to be the president of the United States.” His bumper sticker read: Impeach Obama. His favorite president was Ronald Reagan of course.

Walter Jajko was sick and slowly declining for about 10 years. “Don’t get old,” was his advice to me. Cancer was eating away at him. In March 2014 there was a respite; the treatment seemed to have arrested the metastasization. “God is generous” (Bóg jest szczodrobliwy), the General exclaimed. But it was up and down with him. About two years ago, on and off, we started delivering him to school. First, it was once in a blue moon as he insisted on driving himself. In spring 2014 the joint trips became more frequent. Usually, I would bring him to IWP and, since his class got out at 5:00pm but my duties were over only before 10:00pm, I would ask either an intern or Kościuszko Chair’s researcher Paweł Styrna to drive the General back home. This was a fantastic mentoring opportunity for them. An hour drive with Walt’s stories, dispensed with his famous restraint. And he took care of his students until the very end. He called in with instructions as he was being transported in an ambulance and then he dictated an outline for the classes from his hospital death bed.

When we traveled together, Władek and I chatted about things esoteric, exciting only to specialists on Central and Eastern Europe and other historical issues. Sometimes we would be just silent. One time we laughed as I shared a story of my six year old daughter, whom he adored. Upon hearing a very vigorous part of one of Mozart’s horn concerti, Helenka exclaimed: “This is military music for General Jajko!”

I treasure my memories of the General. I am only sorry that I declined once when he invited me to tea at his house after I dropped him off. It was getting late; I still had an hour to drive home; I was tired. I was stupid; I thought he would be around forever.  Carpe diem.

One day Walt and I were driving by the Pentagon, and he pointed at the soaring, roaring US Air Force Memorial: “The missing man formation.” He will be missed, the most understated intellectual, moral, and military warrior of my life.

Marek Jan Chodakiewicz
Washington DC, 23 October 2014

Dr. Chodakiewicz publishes two articles on Ukraine

Dr. Marek Chodakiewicz —  Professor of History and the holder of IWP’s Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies — has been an important voice in the policy debate on the current crisis in Ukraine.  Thus, he has recently published two articles on the post-Soviet Russian aggression against the Intermarium nation of Ukraine for the News & Analysis section of the Selous Foundation for Public Policy Research (SFPPR) web hub.

In his September 15 article, Dr. Chodakiewicz challenged the claims of “realist” theory vis-à-vis Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which he considers ahistorical, and therefore unrealistic.

Dr. Chodakiewicz’s September 23 analysis emphasizes that the Kremlin is utilizing its “ambiguous” invasion of Ukraine to test the resolve of the West and NATO in general, and of the United States in particular. He also offers a series of policy options that Western leaders can and should adopt if they wish to prevent further aggression and destabilization in a strategic region of Eurasia.

Paweł Styrna on Polish-Ukrainian anti-Soviet cooperation in The Polish Review

Kościuszko Chair researcher and student, Paweł Styrna, has just published an article in the scholarly quarterly of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America (PIASA), The Polish Review (2013, Vol. 58, No. 4: pp. 3-27).

The article is entitled: “Defense of Western Civilization or “Polish Imperialism”? Opinions on the Kiev Expedition in the American, British, Belgian, Polish, and Soviet Press: A Sample from April-May 1920.”

Mr. Styrna — a historian of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as of Russia/the former Soviet Union, by training — studied the press coverage in the US, Britain, Belgium, Poland, and Soviet Russia of the Kiev Offensive/Expedition during the spring of 1920. The counter-offensive, which commenced on 25 April and culminated in the liberation of the Bolshevik-occupied Ukrainian capital of Kyiv (Polish: Kijów; Russian: Kiev) on 7 May 1920, was the fruit of a Polish-Ukrainian alliance formed shortly before the attack. The two nations — in spite of previous tensions and fighting between them — joined forces against what they recognized as a grave common threat: the Moscow Bolsheviks.